Accessibility:

Turkish soap operas in the Arab world: social liberation or cultural alienation?

Page: 1 2 3 4 5 6

 

By June 2008, a different type of news related to Turkish soaps dominated popular imagination in the Arab world. One of Noor’s main assets was the young and handsome Kivanç Tatlitug, an ex model and winner of the Best Model of the World award in 2002. His Western features and role as the romantic and sexy husband earned him the nickname “the Middle East’s Brad Pitt”22. Tatlitug became a real star, and made several ads and a music video with Lebanese singer Rula Saad. He triggered many marital crises, as Arab women made the painful comparison between Muhannad and their husbands, demanding more romance and respect in their relationships. Several divorce cases were filed, some of them repudiations out of jealousy and others of them ultimatums given by women23. Noor thus served as the detonator of existing matrimonial and sexual tensions all over the Middle East. Turkish series also featured several independent, non-veiled female characters, ranging from working women to single mothers, the opposite of a desperate housewife. Charlene Gubash from NBC news consequently spoke of “upend(ing) traditional Arab gender roles”24.

 

The complaints of Noor’s female viewers also fit several scholars’ application of feminist theories to soap operas. They claim soap operas give women a medium to escape the daily routine of their lives and the stress family life might bring. The escapist dimension of soap operas is even more noticeable in war-torn societies such as Gaza or Yemen and those facing daily violence, as in Iraq, where streets were deserted during the daily broadcasting of Noor.

 

Satanic series”? – Facing Turkish secularism

 

Alcohol, abortions and premarital sex are all ingredients of Turkish soaps but are also the nightmares of the religious establishment in the region. The most notorious controversy regarding Turkish series was the virulent objections of several clerics. Despite the reorganization and the censorship of the series, several remaining aspects were seen as contrary to Islamic principles. In June 2008, Saudi sheikh Salman al A’awada, host of a religious program on MBC, advised the “owner of MBC to revise and censor Noor episodes.”25 The idea of a cultural bridge was denied, and Turkish secularism was questioned. A series of fatwas forbidding the faithful from watching Noor or Sanawat al Dayaa’ went along with this indignation. Syrian sheikh Hamdi Kanjo Al Makzoumi declared that praying in T-shirts featuring any of the Turkish actresses was haram, calling them “non-veiled and decadent, promoting vice and decadence in places of worship”26.

 

A few days later, the grand mufti of Saudi Arabia, Sheikh Abdul Aziz Al Sheikh, the official voice of the Saudi religious establishment, forbade the “wicked and evil” Turkish series that represented “an assault of Turkish secularism on Saudi society”. The most notorious controversy was, however, the Sheikh Saleh al-Lohaidan affair. Lohaidan, the head of Saudi Arabia’s Islamic Sharia courts and one of the most powerful clerics in the kingdom, declared that “the owners of these channels that broadcast programs containing indecency and vulgarity (…) can be put to death through the judicial process (qada’an)”. Such fierce accusations created a political storm and consequent media coverage, as most satellite channels are owned by Saudi media moguls linked to the royal family27.

 

 

Conclusions

 

The genesis and triumph of the “Turkish drama” genre raises several dilemmas inherent to the Arab world. Series like Noor are a successful model of hybridization, firstly because of their handling and editing by MBC. Turkish soaps have been successfully adapted to a conservative environment not only by linguistic transformation but also through a content metamorphosis that was reinterpreted by the Arab societies’ most conservative components. Viewers have also actively contributed to this success with the massive use of new media: blogs, fan fiction, websites and phone numbers for ringtones and wallpaper downloads, as well as a wealth of Facebook fan pages, groups and YouTube videos.

Page: 1 2 3 4 5 6

Print Icon Print this article


1 Silver in Turkish



 

2 Light in Arabic



 

3 Sakr, Naomi. Arab Television Today. London: I.B. Tauris, 2007.
—.
Satellite Realms: Transantional Television Globalization and the Middle East. London: I.B. Tauris, 2001.

 


 

4 Çemberimde Gül Oya, a 2004 Kanal D production


 

5 Ihlamurlar Altında, a 2005 Kanal D production


 

6 Khaleej Times (United Arab Emirates). «Noor’ lights up beacons of change.» 28 July 2008.

http://www.khaleejtimes.com/DisplayArticleNew.asp?section=citytimes&xfile=data/citytimes/2008/july/citytimes_july273.xml


 

7 Beirut hosts The 2nd New Arab Woman Forum (NAWF). 11 September 2008. http://www.ameinfo.com/168434.html


 

8 According to its official website, the study gives a panorama of annual TV consumption in over 80 countries and territories worldwide http://www.iconoval.fr/publicmedia/original/171/78/fr/2009_%2003_%2024_%20CDP%20l%27ann%C3%A9e%20TV%20dans%20le%20monde%20VF.pdf


 

9 Dagge, John. "The Noor phenomenon." The Middle East, 2008.


 

10 Khaleej Times (United Arab Emirates). «Noor’ lights up beacons of change.» 28 July 2008.http://www.khaleejtimes.com/DisplayArticleNew.asp?section=citytimes&xfile=data/citytimes/2008/july/citytimes_july273.xml


 

11 Radsch, Courtney C. Arab TV series among top 10 global programs. 30 March 2009. http://www.alarabiya.net/articles/2009/03/30/69563.html


 

12 Rossholm, Anna Sofia. Reproducing languages, translating bodies : approaches to speech, translation and cultural identity. Stockholm: Häftad. Almqvist & Wiksell international, 2006.


 

13 Stam, Robert. Subversive Pleasures: Bakhtin, Cultural Criticism, and Film. John Hopkins University, 1989.


 

14 (Dagge 2008)

 


 

16 Al Ahrar (Egypt). «Fatayata so'oudiyat yataa'lamna al turkiya min ajl Muhannad.» 01 July 2008.


 

17 Al Manar (United Arab Emirates). «A'wdat al haymana al tukiya ba'd al Mixiq'iya.» 06 April 2008: 65.


 

18 Mansour, Mohamed. «Ba'da mawjat al musalsalat al Mexikiya wal Iraniya wa akhiran al Turkiya.» Al Quds Al Arabi, 17 April 2008: 13.


 

19 Arabic TV serials too costly, MBC Chairman warns. 21 May 2008. http://www.alarabiya.net/articles/2008/05/21/50195.html.


 

20 Al Ghad (Jordan). «Al Nouri: Najah' al musalsalat al turkiya youmathel tah'adi lel drama al a'arabiya.» 17 June 2008.


 

21 Robert Clyde Allen, Annette Hill. The television studies reader . London: Routledge, 2004.Sakr, Naomi. Arab Television Today. London: I.B. Tauris, 2007.


 

22 Middle East has its own Brad Pitt. 11 Mars 2009. http://www.welt.de/english-news/article3357687/Middle-East-has-its-own-Brad-Pitt.html


 

23 Turkish soap star sparks divorces in Arab world. June 29, 2008. http://www.alarabiya.net/articles/2008/06/29/52291.html


 

24 Turkish soap opera upends traditional Arab gender roles. NBC News, July 31, 2008.


 

25 Al Rayah (Qatar). Salman al A'wda Yansah' al MBC bi tahzib al musalsal al Turki Noor. June 30, 2008.


 

26 (Dagge, 2008)


 

27 For more details about this event and its symbolic significance, please read : Hammond, Andrew. «Reading Lohaidan in Riyadh: Media and the struggle for judicial power in Saudi Arabia.» Arab Media and Society, Issue 7, Winter 2009 http://www.arabmediasociety.com/?article=702#_edn3


 

28 Sambidge, Andy. MBC expands soap opera shows despite Mufti fury. 21 October 2008. http://www.arabianbusiness.com/535285-mbc-expands-Soap operas-despite-mufti-outrage.