Abstract

This article examines the Syrian population in Türkiye as it transitions from a state of forced migration toward an established diaspora identity, which utilizes digital media and conflict theories as analytical frameworks. The study demonstrates that Syrians uphold emotional, cultural, and political ties to their homeland while actively seeking long-term integration into Turkish society by examining social media posts, interviews, and scholarly literature. Digital platforms simultaneously disseminate narratives of peace and polarization, which is evident in the propagation of humanitarian campaigns and calls for reconciliation vis-à-vis the proliferation of misinformation and divisive rhetoric. The findings underscore that many Syrians contemplate returning to their homeland, yet acknowledge the complexities of making such a choice, which is particularly evident after children have adapted to Turkish life. In this regard, the study aligns with diaspora theories emphasizing transnational identities transcending simple notions of temporary protection or guest status. From the perspective of conflict communication, Galtung’s concepts of positive and negative peace provide valuable insights into how Syrians construct discourses around ending violence and achieving sustainable social justice. The article highlights the role of digital media in shaping diaspora identity and calls for comprehensive policies to be instituted by state institutions, international organizations, and civil society to foster engagement and integration.

Introduction

Since its onset in 2011, the Syrian Civil War has transformed into a complex, multi-faceted crisis that involves various actors. Although it was initially viewed as a regional conflict, the involvement of multiple international powers rapidly altered the landscape of this conflict. Further, the widespread violence in the region has triggered a massive humanitarian crisis that precipitated an unprecedented surge of Syrian refugees fleeing to neighboring countries, which instigated one of the most significant migrations in recent Middle Eastern history. 

Nowadays, Türkiye is the primary host country for Syrian refugees due to its shared border, geographic proximity, and humanitarian policies. Since Turkey has historically been both a transit country and a destination country, it is difficult to express the exact number of migrants (Sariteke at al. 2018). However, in a statement made by the Directorate of Migration Management, one of the official institutions, the number of Syrians under temporary protection status registered in Turkey was announced as 2 million 901 thousand 478 people as of December 31, 2024 (Mülteciler Derneği, 2025). Of course, apart from this number, the number of Syrians here illegally is significant. The vast majority of current migrants are Syrians. In addition, Syrians are at a different point among the groups who came to Turkey due to the war. Because they are geographically and, to a certain extent, culturally close, when the tension of the war decreased in specific periods, for example, Syrians residing in provinces close to the border were physically maintaining their relations with their country at certain levels. Indeed, during the war, they traveled back and forth to their countries, and they carried out funeral procedures or agricultural work (such as olives, which require low follow-up). This significant migration of people has been ongoing for approximately fourteen years. As such, for many Syrians the country of Türkiye is not a temporary dwelling, which renders this group of Syrians as a recognized diaspora. Some scholars are examining the presence of Syrians in Türkiye, specifically their sponsorship in social, cultural, and economic activities within Türkiye, the impact of events in Syria upon these individuals, and how they are influencing the political landscape of Türkiye.

Nonetheless, the Syrian diaspora includes more than just refugees, people under temporary protection, and displaced people. Many of these Syrians are students that attend school in Türkiye, business owners, civil society activists, and professionals. While this diaspora was displaced and forced to flee Syria, they nonetheless maintain their identity and connection to their homeland. Culturally, linguistically, and politically, the Syrian diaspora are working to assimilate into Türkiye’s institutions and international humanitarian systems, while at the same time engaging in diverse social and digital networks to preserve their collective identity. As such, the system is complex enough to defy the traditional boundaries of diaspora.

The advent and proliferation of internet computing technology and various digital platforms have exerted a tremendous impact. Diasporic communications proliferate throughout social media, online news sites, blogs, and mobile messaging apps, which allow people from the diaspora to remain in touch with each other and their home country. As such, this digital technology can easily circulate discourse oriented towards violence, peace, or reconciliation.  News analyses, propaganda, appeals for humanitarian assistance, and even peace initiatives related to the Syrian Civil War are circulating throughout these digital spaces, which create new controversies among the diaspora in Türkiye. For example, some use peace-supporting language to raise the awareness of the international community, while others employ divisive rhetoric that reproduces conflict. As a result, sociopolitical manifestations of the conflict are not only limited to Syria but are actively expressed in different countries, which includes Türkiye.

As such, this research investigates how the Syrian diaspora in Türkiye creates, replicates, and alters narratives of conflict using digital media. While physically removed from the war, members of this community keep the discursive dimension of the conflict alive via social media by expressing their experiences, traumas, political preferences, and aspirations for the future. At the same time, this ensures the conflict acquires a transnational quality. As such, messaging can take many forms, which includes those responsible for the violence must be held accountable, while others emphasize peace and reconciliation initiatives. Meanwhile, all these diverse perspectives interact continuously in digital environments. Our research examines how diaspora members simultaneously produce and disseminate polarizing and peaceful discourses, as well as how these impact international perceptions of the Syrian Civil War and Türkiye's social climate.

In this context, the article has two primary objectives. First, it seeks to shed light on how diaspora members utilize digital platforms to construct and legitimize conflict narratives. The social media posts, online campaigns, discussion groups, and news and commentary found on internet news websites that cater to Syrian diaspora members can reveal the themes used to frame the conflict. The second objective is to discuss how these narratives remain within the diaspora and influence Turkish public opinion, as well as the international community. Indeed, these digital narratives may influence local media and political actors in Türkiye. Similarly, although international organizations, humanitarian aid agencies, and global media outlets generally approach information from diaspora sources cautiously, they may also draw upon these channels for fresh perspectives regarding the human dimension of the conflict.

The article is structured around three central questions. First, which types of conflict frameworks and actors are most prominently featured on digital platforms? Second, does the Syrian diaspora predominantly favor peace-oriented initiatives and discourses or is polarizing and factionalizing language more dominant? Finally, how can diaspora and conflict communication theories help us understand the narratives reproduced through digital media? These questions form the basis of a multifaceted analysis that is grounded in existing academic literature and data gleaned from field experiences. While diaspora studies primarily focus on issues related to transnational identity, maintaining ties with the homeland, and interacting with the host society, conflict communication theories concentrate on propaganda, peace journalism, disinformation, and polarization processes. Integrating these two theoretical frameworks allow the researchers to determine whether the diaspora plays a transformative or reinforcing role in digital media.

Hence, the article excavates valuable insight both theoretically and practically. From a theoretical standpoint, the research proposes a novel model to understand how a digital diaspora can shape conflict processes by integrating transnational diaspora theories with conflict communication theories. Considering the ease of cross-border interactions as a result of digital technology, there is a rapid evolution of hybrid identities in digital spaces, which is hastened by the speed that conflict discourses spread. This digital intersection has gained importance in contemporary migration and conflict studies. On a practical level, it is envisaged that policymakers, civil society organizations, and academics can develop concrete strategies to monitor conflict dynamics in the digital realm and support peace-oriented initiatives. The Syrian diaspora in Türkiye is sufficiently large, diverse, and active enough to serve as a valuable group to research. Consequently, this study may guide policy implementation in forced migration, diaspora formation, and conflict management.

To delineate the theoretical framework, the article first summarizes the central debates within diaspora literature and conflict communication approaches. It then presents an analysis based on relevant field data and social media content. The findings subsequently examine the rhetorical strategies and frameworks around which conflict narratives develop, the language employed in peace initiatives, and the extent to which disinformation and manipulation are present. Finally, theoretical perspectives and empirical findings are reconnected to produce academic and practical conclusions, as well as offer recommendations. Ultimately, the study reveals how the Syrian diaspora keeps the distant conflict on the agenda through digital media and the emerging opportunities for peace or conflict.

Theoretical Framework

The concept of diaspora has evolved through various theoretical approaches (Safran 1991; Cohen 1997; Vertovec 1999). These frameworks center the experience of the diaspora, which includes sustained emotional or collective bond with the homeland, the story of forced or voluntary migration, and the experience of living as a minority in the host country. Therefore, diaspora is viewed not merely as a geographic relocation process, but as a collective narrative domain where cultural and political affiliations are reproduced (Cohen 1997). Vertovec’s focus on transnationalism posits that diaspora members can remain simultaneously connected to multiple locales and cultivate multilayered identities (Vertovec 1999). This understanding is tied to the notion of transnational social spaces, which emphasizes that individuals—though physically residing in different geographies—maintain ongoing interactions with their homelands and each other (Faist 2000). As a result, diaspora communities do not entirely assimilate into the host country, nor entirely sever their ties with the homeland. This condition becomes particularly pronounced during forced migration that results in individuals becoming refugees. The Syrian diaspora in Türkiye provides an example of this difficult reality.

The imagined community proposed by Benedict Anderson provides valuable insight regarding individuals in the diaspora maintaining a collective sense of belonging in the absence of physical proximity (Anderson 1983). The identity construct in Anderson’s theory determines that citizens feel a sense of belonging, even if they have never met one another prior to being displaced. Even if away from home, members of a diaspora community can sustain this feeling of community through their common culture and symbols (Anderson 1983). For example, Syrian expatriates in Türkiye actively campaign and engage in political action to organize humanitarian aid for Syria, which helps them reconnect with their homeland. This illustrates the phenomenon of imagined community in the Syrian diaspora, where re-imagination of the community occurs through geographical boundaries using the internet.

Analyzing diaspora theories and literature regarding conflict communication is crucial to understand the multifaceted and complex Syrian Civil War (Galtung 1969). John Galtung distinguished between positive and negative peace to better comprehend what underwrites notions of conflict and peace. Negative peace refers to the absence of direct violence, whereas positive peace describes a system where structural violence is eliminated and justice, equality, and well-being are realized (Galtung 1969). This distinction serves as a guide to examine whether diaspora members on social media are content to advocate for ending the war or adopt a more comprehensive perspective of positive peace that demands profound societal transformation. Galtung’s typology of violence—direct, structural, and cultural violence—also facilitates the analysis of online messages to determine if they contain direct calls for violence or other forms of exclusion rooted in cultural codes.

Lynch and McGoldrick’s theory of peace journalism seeks to transform the violence-centered language frequently found in conflict reporting, which typically labels parties as indisputably good or bad (Lynch and McGoldrick 2005). Peace journalism seeks to comprehensively address the underlying issues that fuel conflict. Discourse from the Syrian diaspora in Türkiye provide an opportunity to utilize this theoretical framework. For example, social media is rife with posts calling for peace, announcing intentions to provide aid, or suggesting various solutions to ameliorate political dimensions of the conflict. At the same time, conflict narratives are constructed through processes of othering and identity politics. In the digital world, parties can reproduce conflict using rhetoric that undermines the legitimacy of others while underpinning their own identity. These othering strategies are evident in the example of Islamophobes emphasizing ethnic and sectarian differences or heightening ideological divides (Galtung 1969; Lynch and McGoldrick 2005).

The media ecology enables diaspora communities to quickly spread discourses of conflicts and amplify peace efforts (Castells 2010; Shirky 2008). The concept of the network society, which was proposed by Manuel Castells, refers to an emerging social system where information and communication processes are based on digital networks (Castells 2010). This structure allows horizontal relationships and rapid information circulation, which allows diasporas to craft their narratives outside traditional media and state institutions. According to Clay Shirky, these factors increase the potential of collective action in the digital world by allowing people to mobilize more easily towards common goals (Shirky 2008). In this way, the Syrian diaspora in Türkiye can make political and humanitarian appeals globally, which can be broadcast via social media campaigns.

Nonetheless, digital platforms do not only serve peaceful or constructive engagements, but they also possess the capacity to circulate disinformation and messages of polarization (Shirky 2008). Users on social media often exist within an algorithmic bubble by serving them with content that resonates with their beliefs and viewpoints, which results in an echo chamber. Within this scenario, diaspora members may exacerbate polarization by interacting only within single opinion clusters rather than exploring a variety of viewpoints. Brinkerhoff’s modeling of the digital diaspora is crucial to understand how individuals far removed from their homeland reconstruct their identities, communities, and political engagement in the virtual sphere (Brinkerhoff 2009). This reconstruction process can enhance the commitment to peace and solidarity while reinforcing detrimental antagonistic narratives and conflict. As such, the Syrian diaspora in Türkiye articulates its discourse in cyberspace. Whether such articulation of discourse escalates conflict or provides avenues for peace can be scrutinized holistically through a three-tier model. The model clarifies whether diaspora members position themselves primarily as defenders of a just cause or whether they act as proponents of a peace-focused reconstruction process. Consequently, this combined approach links conflict communication and diaspora theories by presenting a fruitful field of inquiry to examine social media activism and tendencies toward inter-communal polarization.

Literature Review

In the case of other studies on the subject, there is a lack of available literature. This may be attributable to the uneasiness of migrants to express their views. In fact, there are many studies on Syrians in Turkey in the literature. However, the articles generally focus on their relations with the Turkish state and people, such as cohesion, integration and legal status (Aksel and Danış 2019). Therefore, the literature review reveals a multidimensional perspective that addresses various aspects of this research. Data provided by the Directorate General of Migration Management and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) illustrates the Syrian population’s dispersion throughout Türkiye (Göç İdaresi 2020; UNHCR 2021). At the same time, civil society organizations formulate policy proposals in key areas such as immigration, social services, and employment (İGAM 2018; ASAM 2019). International human rights organizations tend to focus on education, child labor, and forms of social discrimination that will impact the future of the diaspora (Human Rights Watch 2015).

The attempt by the Syrian diaspora to adapt to the host country’s institutions, while simultaneously sustaining the culture and politics of their origin country, is referred to as transnationalism or multiple affiliations (Cohen 1997; Al-Ali 2007). In this regard, the ethnic, sectarian, and political heterogeneity of the diaspora can cultivate differing approaches to maintain relations with the home country (Erdoğan 2020). The increased use of digital media serves to enhance the ease of communication among diaspora members globally and to sustain conflict-related dialogue across borders (Yılmaz & Uysal 2020). Social media and interview data for this study were analyzed and interpreted with a transnational frame to illustrate the ways affiliation with a particular ethnicity, sect, or political group is expressed in the context of the host country.

Digital platforms are integral to the internal and external communication networks the diaspora forms with its homeland. Diaspora members quickly create and share humanitarian, cultural, and political content via blogs, social media, websites, and mobile messaging apps (ASAM 2019). These platforms can broadcast propaganda that can polarize conflict, which simultaneously circulate alongside peace and humanitarian aid propaganda (Erdoğan 2020). As such, the interactions of the Syrian diaspora via digital communication deserve investigation, which is especially relevant when considering theoretical discussions regarding the role of media in peace and conflict studies (Wolfsfeld 2004; Lynch and McGoldrick 2005) as well as the concept of citizen journalism in the digital age (Shirky 2008; Brinkerhoff 2009). More specifically, filter bubbles (Pariser 2011) and echo chambers allow members of the diasporas to (re)create and presume content in closed online spaces, which validates their preconceived discourse. Thus, conflict and peace narratives are contained within a complex digital ecosystem (Çelik and İçduygu 2019). In this study, the listed digital content served the dual purpose of being either the source of data collection or analysis (information) as well as the subject of investigation. The dual potential for reconciliation or polarization also applies to these sources as highlighted in related literature.

The Syrian diaspora presents a novel case study to examine diaspora relations that were displaced due to conflict. Similar examples include the Palestinian diaspora engaging with and influencing global public opinion via online campaigns (Hammer 2005), the Iraqi diaspora’s support for exiled opposition movements (Al-Ali 2007), and the Balkan diaspora’s internet-based commemorative ceremonies (Brinkerhoff 2009). These examples illustrate the critical importance of digital media in constructing transnational identity and conflict narratives (Smith and Stares 2007). In contrast to these examples, the Syrian diaspora is unique for a variety of reasons, which includes being displaced from a wide swath of geographic regions, comprising individual ethnic groups within the larger Syrian diaspora, and including a sectarian mix of migrants. Thus, their settling in Türkiye highlights the extent that conflict dynamics are transnational (Erdoğan 2020). Using this frame of comparison facilitated the recognition of similarities as well as differences in the Syrian case in question, as viewed through the digital footprints captured in the data.

In Peace and Conflict Studies, the literature points out that digital technologies can alter how conflicts are understood and managed (Wolfsfeld 2004). The internet enables diaspora members to put the distant conflict on the public agenda and—in some cases—even resolve it via propagating both peace-loving initiatives and outright hate speech (Lynch and McGoldrick 2005; Shirky 2008). Alongside disinformation and propaganda, the risk of polarization may occur, while at the same time visible peace initiatives may harness international support (Brinkerhoff 2009; Pariser 2011). Thus, the Syrian diaspora in Türkiye embodies the forced migration’s enduring traumas, but also how digital bridges to the homeland are constructed and maintained (Yılmaz and Uysal 2020). 

Consequently, the digital content, institutional reports, and interviews were chosen in this study to illustrate the theoretical interplay cited in the literature. Moreover, it encompasses the diasporas identity's hybrid aspects (Cohen 1997; Al-Ali 2007), the dividing or uniting digital media capacity (Wolfsfeld 2004; Lynch and McGoldrick 2005), and identity discourse echo chambers (Pariser 2011). Hence, the chosen examples were not randomly selected but rather strategically mapped onto prominent themes within the vast body of literature, spanning both foundational and recent works on digital diaspora politics.

Methodology

The focus of the study moves beyond the familiar conceptualization of the Syrian population in Türkiye via notions of migration, hospitality, temporary protection, or refugee status, and instead examines how this community may exhibit traits of a diaspora. Although the characterization of Syrians as a diaspora is not yet firmly established in the literature, this viewpoint gains significance when considering their multilayered ties to their homeland, identity-building processes, and conflict–pace -discourses. The research design adopts a multifaceted framework at the theoretical and empirical levels to examine the transitional nature of this process.

Questions regarding whether Syrians in Türkiye exhibit diaspora characteristics, as well as how they generate conflict and peace-oriented discourses via digital media, necessitate a qualitative research approach. Accordingly, the study synthesizes theoretical discussions on diaspora theory, conflict communication, and digital media ecology, which is aimed at documenting and analyzing social media communications and field data at the empirical level. The multifaceted nature of the issue becomes more clearly delineated by combining theoretical analysis with selected case studies.

Research Design

A three-stage methodology was employed in the research design. A document analysis was conducted in the first stage, which includes the examination of reports, academic studies, and news sources that contain legal and socioeconomic information on the Syrian community in Türkiye. Addiutional clues were examined, which include the temporary protection or refugee status towards the diaspora, as well as reports issued by civil society organizations (CSOs), think tanks, and international organizations. These documents contain primary data demonstrating the scope of activities of Turks of Syrian origin, their self-organization, and their attitudes towards peace and conflicts.

The content analysis was the second stage, which involved the examination of data on the diasporic identity and its corresponding articulation via social media platforms like X (formerly Twitter), Facebook, YouTube, and Telegram. The employed strategies include qualitative data collection from three languages, which are Turkish, English, or Arabic. The Turkish language hashtags included #SuriyeliDiasporası, #Suriyeliler, #Mülteciler or phrases such as Suriyeli mülteciler + digital media, as well as #SuriyeBarış. The English language search included #SyrianDiaspora, #SyrianRefugees, #RefugeesInTürkiye, Syrian diaspora + Türkiye, and even #ConflictNarratives. The Arabic language search identified hashtags like #الشتات_السوري (#alshatat_alsoori), #اللاجئون_السوريون (#allajioon_alsooryoon), and #سوريون_في_تركيا (#sooryoon_fi_turkiya), which were enriched by additional terms such as “دياسبورا” (diaspora),  نزاع (conflict), and سلام (peace).  Furthermore, attempts were made to filter material by regional or thematic means—such as integration diaspora, peace, conflict, etc.—and interval limitations by dates. Closed or semi-closed Facebook groups and Telegram channels would provide valuable means to examine internal discourse, but these platforms were not included due to ethical considerations and group regulations.

In the third stage, interviews or focus group data were utilized. Semi-structured interviews, either conducted directly by the researcher or found in the literature, offer in-depth insight into how Syrians in Türkiye interpret the concept of diaspora and how they address the conflict in their homeland via online platforms. Thus, the empirical component extends beyond the macro-level of content analysis to also engage with individual Syrian’s subjective experiences and perceptions.

Data Collection Techniques

Online data mining constituted the core of the data collection process. Searches were conducted in three languages while using relevant keywords and hashtags on X (formerly Twitter), Facebook, YouTube, and Telegram, which yielded a broad spectrum of discussions among members of the Syrian diaspora that relate to peace, conflict, identity, migration, and integration. Filtering hashtags, such as #Suriyeliler or #SyrianRefugees were refined to include only those in Türkiye, also facilitated a more precise extraction of data pertinent to the target population.

The second primary data source comprised reports by CSOs and think tanks. The documents produced by organizations such as ORSAM, SETA, and TIGA Briefings shed light on the sociopolitical engagement, migration policies, and the activities undertaken on digital platforms by Syrians in Türkiye. These reports and bulletins from civil society contain valuable information for understanding the dynamics of the Syrian community's transition into a diaspora. In addition, interviews and a focus group comprising 13 Syrian men and four Syrian women enriched the depth of the research. A snowball method was used to select the participants, with particular attention paid to creating a balance in terms of age, occupation and length of stay in Turkey. At this point, the sociological realities of Syrians and, of course, the hesitancy of migrants to express their opinions undermine the number of participants and the balance between men and women. These discussions revealed, in tangible terms, the motivations that led participants to adopt a diaspora identity, rather than identifying solely as migrants or guests, as well as how they engage with the conflict in their homeland through digital platforms.

The collection of the examples provided complies with methodological rigor and transparency. Initially, ethnographic techniques and institutional documents provided a broad foundational dataset. From this dataset, cases were filtered based on their occurrence, relevance to the diaspora identity discourse, and demographic (gender, age, occupation) diversity amongst the participants. The selection reflected the dominating trends and conflicts rather than confirming the assumptions shaped by the dominant narratives surrounding Syrian digital engagement and identity. Complementary and contradicting frameworks were constructed or challenged through cross-referencing with literature on digital diasporas, migration sociology, and identity politics. Thus, integrating these perspectives permit readings that expose both adherence and divergence from dominant theoretical frameworks. The integration of multiple types of data (social media, CSO reports, and interviews) enhances the empirical outcomes in relation to literature.

Analysis Method

The collected data was processed primarily via thematic content analysis or discourse analysis. The coding of digital media posts was categorized via themes, such as legitimization strategies, narratives of othering, peace initiatives, and emphases on diasporic identity. For instance, posts using hashtags like #SuriyeBarış or #PeaceInSyria were examined to determine how they aligned with peace journalism or peace-oriented discourse. Furthermore, Arabic-language posts emphasizing sect, ethnicity, or national identity were scrutinized to evaluate the diasporic identity’s potential to reinforce or transform the conflict.

The data were interpreted theoretically while connections were drawn among diaspora theories, conflict communication, and digital media ecology. The analysis investigated whether Syrians develop a sustained sense of diaspora beyond temporary protection or refugee status, the role of conflict narratives in shaping this awareness, and how digital platforms influence the potential for peace or polarization. This approach seeks to render the othering–reconciliation dichotomy—emphasized in the conflict communication literature—visible in the context of diaspora.

Accordingly, this study examines the Syrian community in Türkiye through both the diaspora perspective and the lens of digital media. The research adopts a holistic methodology built upon both macro-level (document and content analysis) and micro-level (interview data) inputs. The three-stage research design aims to elucidate how diaspora identity is shaped via connections to the homeland and conflict–pace discourses, as well as how this differs from a status of mere migration or guesthood. In doing so, the study aspires to clarify how the Syrian diaspora phenomenon—which has yet to receive extensive coverage in academic research—takes shape in digital environments.

Findings 

This section illustrates significant findings derived from the empirical observations regarding the Syrian diasporic community in Türkiye, which reveals the essence of the theoretical frameworks of diaspora, transnationalism, and digital identity as discussed in the previous section.

Diasporic Identity and Digital Connections

The analysis of diasporic identity and digital connections goes beyond viewing the Syrian community’s presence in Türkiye merely as a case of temporary protection or guest status. Rather, it examines whether this population is attempting to construct a long-term diaspora identity. Data generated via social media and interviews provide a critical entry point for studying how this identity is formed, the reasons perpetuating it, and the role of digital media in the identity construction process. Facebook groups, online solidarity networks, and the occasional Telegram community discussions offer essential insight into how Syrians sustain emotional connections with their homeland and each other. One of the Arabic-language posts captures this emotional bond aptly, which states “I may be in Türkiye, but my heart is always in Syria”. A similar feeling was expressed during the interviews as most participants provided similar descriptions regarding their sentiment towards Syria and their contact with family back home. Online observation of situations and emotional support are essential activities.

The following excerpt from a social media post in Arabic states “may this ghurba [exile] not leave us feeling alone, we can establish a community here, too”, which demonstrates the initial phases of diaspora consciousness. Some refer to being a community outside the homeland as jāliyyat (community) or ghurba (exile). These concepts were referenced by one participant who claimed, “Although I had only recently heard of the concept of diaspora, the idea of existing as a community in Türkiye over the long term makes sense to me”. Supporting this view, Baytok (2024) points out the identity of a diaspora is often shaped by the expectation of establishing a stable future in the host country while remaining in contact with the country of origin. During interviews, comments such as “I could return, but my child’s education is here. I have also adapted myself to this country” suggest that Syrians have come to terms with a now fostering a long-term diaspora.

To an extent, social media posts are essential to underscore how this identity is forged through digital technologies. One participant spoke of her membership in a private Facebook group for Syrians where they gossip about their motherland and update each other on legal news in Türkiye. Thus, in the sense posited by Vertovec, transnational identity encompasses the ongoing conflict in Syria and the integration process in Türkiye. Indeed, such online communities can accelerate the formation of diasporic identity through identity sharing without strict physical boundaries. During the interviews, one participant noted, “My children speak Turkish, but we continue to use Arabic at home. I preserve my language and culture by being in Syrian groups on social media”. Such sentiments highlight the significance of languages and digital media in the preservation of diasporic identity. Arab-speaking families facilitate cultural continuity within the household via the Internet, which assists in the ethnocultural socialization of diasporic identity.

Construction of Conflict Narratives

The study examines what discourses the Syrian community produces regarding social media and how these discourses support the conflict or pacification within the theme of conflict narrative construction. Humanitarian, as well as pro-regime or anti-regime content can be found on X (formerly Twitter) and Telegram. For instance, one user wrote in Turkish, “Please donate to help people in Idlib”. Meanwhile, another example relied on a confrontational tone in Arabic to assert, “The Assad regime has victimized us; this war must end”. This diversity represents how the conflict continues to manifest at the diaspora level. During the interviews some participants highlighted that “everybody writes their truth,” which made them encounter views that contradict each other. One participant recollected, “I sometimes find myself arguing with my sibling on social media,” regarding conflict narratives leading to increased polarization, which occurs among diaspora members.

Analyzing the opposing side of social media, posts such as #PeaceInSyria or #Barış help propagate appeals for humanitarian campaigns that advocate for ameliorating the conditions and conflict in Syria. The hashtag unites people around a common goal, which attracts more global attention. One interviewee mentioned, “Trying to transform a politically divided audience into a peaceful one is achingly complicated”. which illustrates the attempts of people using social media? Despite countless endeavors by people advocating for peace, the phrase “We might be forced to remain in Türkiye in the distant future, but it is only when security and peace gain prominence in Syria that the region can witness a tremendous amount of hope,” reveals the overpowering implications of diaspora identity that manifests. 

Conflict stories often involve notions of heroism or victimhood. One Arabic user stated, “We are the heroic people of Syria; despite all our suffering, we will remain standing.” Meanwhile, another user asserted, “I came here for my children’s future because they were victims of the conflict in Syria.” Those interviewed also spoke of their experiences within the conflict, which were generally focused on victimhood or heroism. One male participant stated, “I resisted in Aleppo. Then I came here so I could protect my family. It is an issue of honor for me.” Here, this individual acknowledges the fluidity in their situation. In contrast, a female participant commented, “The war has devastated us; we are still struggling to survive,” which reveals her resonance with a victim persona. In the literature, it is observed that diaspora communities tend to reinforce their narratives during periods of conflict through discourses of this kind (Güler 2022).

The Role of Disinformation

This section underscores the risks posed to diaspora communities due to misinformation, propaganda, and trolling activities on social media. When conducting research via social media the term false information was regularly spotted. The phrase was heavily used in both Spanish and Turkish languages. For example, a video captioned “Türkiye is deporting refugees,” spread throughout social media despite no concrete evidence supporting this video. Nonetheless, this clip circulated and gained thousands likes and shares in a matter of days. One of the interview participants stated, “When I learned the video was fake, I was extremely worried, but many remained concerned.” Her response reveals how disinformation can breed fear. Another participant remarked, “There is much propaganda from both sides. I encounter content that either exaggerates the situation in Syria or portrays the exact opposite. I do not know which to believe.”

Disinformation is linked to the digital perpetuation of the conflict. Certain groups disseminate manipulative images or fabricated news that are intended to other people or groups by constructing a narrative of righteousness. In one interview, a participant noted that they “saw a photo that claimed a friend had gone through an experience that never actually happened. It was intended to provoke people.” Güler (2022) argues that such circumstances render diaspora communities particularly vulnerable, which demonstrates a need to have access to reliable media sources. Moreover, media literacy training and verification mechanisms of social platforms are crucial for disadvantaged groups, such as the Syrian diaspora. To support this contention a younger participant stated during an interview that they “no longer believe anything unless I can verify it through multiple sources,” which illustrates a form of media literacy learned through experience.

Reflections on the Host Society and International Actors

Continuing with the analysis of how Syrian diaspora discourses are perceived by the Turkish public and international organizations, one frequently encountered theme in Turkish-language social media posts is whether “Syrians are an economic burden or make a positive contribution.” Several interviewees indicated the persistent prominence of this debate on digital platforms, which exerts psychological pressure on diaspora members. One participant observed, “When I find a job, I worry about how Turkish society views me. Sometimes I see posts on social media claiming ‘Syrians are stealing our jobs,’” which draw attention to the adverse impact of public perceptions on mental well-being and motivation for integration.

On the other hand, some individuals shared more positive experiences, such as “Our Turkish neighbors opened their doors to us and offered tremendous help.” This sentiment also appears on social media. For example, a user wrote, “We had iftar together with our neighbors—I met wonderful people.” Announcements of civil society projects and local government support via social media simplify access to resources for diaspora members. In this context, positive integration news can improve public perception, while negative news tends to spread faster (Belli & Aydin).

The research conducted has revealed the Syrian diaspora community actively strives to communicate with the global public to garner humanitarian aid and support for peace initiatives. English-language content frequently carries messages such as “We need global support for Syrian refugees;” or “Our children deserve a brighter future.” In interviews, particularly those with degrees in higher education, respondents mentioned collaborating with international NGOs, which are often organized via social media. One woman commented, “An NGO offered scholarships; I saw the announcement on Facebook, applied, and received one,” which reveals the diaspora’s potential to leverage digital communication networks to gain support from international actors.

Social media analysis also demonstrates that diaspora consciousness plays a substantial role involving interactions with international stakeholders. Several English-speaking users posted messages like the following, “Because we are the voice of the diaspora, foreign media or NGOs contact us.” Such messages suggest these individuals serve as spokespersons on behalf of their community. This phenomenon points to the emergence of diaspora leadership or spokespersons. Some assert that when diaspora leadership emerges through digital channels, diaspora communities' political and social influence may increase. One interviewee revealed their leadership role by stating, “I am trying to be the voice of Syrian women on an online platform. I publicize our initiatives and seek funding.”

These findings reflect the cultural, economic, political, and emotional dimensions of the Syrian experience in Türkiye. Social media posts verify the personal narratives that were recounted in interviews and vividly display the ongoing transformation of diaspora identity. Adopting a transnational structure, the diaspora identity encompasses the digital reproduction of conflict narratives, the advancement of peace appeals, and the promotion of tangible steps toward integration. Within this process, the risks posed by disinformation and the dual (positive-negative) perceptions that shape interactions with the host society will play a determining role.

Statements in the interviews, such as “I am a refugee, but the idea of diaspora gives me hope,” illustrate how establishing long-term communities is gaining traction among migrants, which extends beyond the framework of temporary protection. This was echoed by an interviewee who stated, “I believe Syrians can establish institutions here, and we can preserve our culture for generations to come.” Meanwhile, others remain hesitant, “If the war ends, we will return, but who knows when that will happen.” This dilemma sustains a persistent online debate, “are we guests or are we a diaspora?” The literature notes the concept of diaspora emerges amid these ambiguities and becomes more permanent as the community forges ties with its homeland and host country (Cohen 1997; Güler 2022).

Meanwhile those who unite around calls for peace were evident, “As a diaspora, we must also contribute to peace.” In interviews, one participant remarked, “As long as we have not entirely abandoned Syria, the fate of the war there is also our fate,” which grounds his connection to his homeland in a peace-based perspective. Posts describing actions, such as “I organized a donation campaign and participated in an online conference” support this position, which was also observed in social media analyses. This upholds arguments in the literature review (Güler 2022; Baytok 2024) that posit that diaspora groups can serve as bridge actors in post-conflict peacebuilding.

Regarding disinformation, interviews reveal a shared concern encapsulated by the phrase, “Amid so much misinformation, everyone believes their version of the truth.” More specifically, videos, photos, and brief texts spread via social media spread without adequate verification, which may heighten tensions within the diaspora. For instance, one interview participant mentioned, “By the time I realized the news was fake, I had already shared it; then I felt embarrassed and wanted to delete it,” which reveals how disinformation is a widespread issue. This touches upon concerns related to this situation, which involve media literacy of the Syrian diaspora members and the responsibilities of social media platforms to better curate factual content. Güler (2022) argues that producing digital media literacy in diaspora contexts should be done in a way that constructively navigates conflict narratives.

Positive interactions with the host society are conveyed in short narratives posted on social media. One example indicates that “My Turkish neighbors helped me register my children for school, which eased my accommodation search.” Conversely, there are numerous accounts of discrimination. For example, “They paid me less at work because I am Syrian, and I was unable to exercise my rights.” This phenomenon generates digital conversations regarding societal inclusion and exclusion. Many interviewees remarked that social media made it possible to discover that “I am not the only one; we found others who share our plight, and we felt supported.” The importance of these platforms in the creation of support networks is salient.

The future perspectives of the displaced were referenced when asking, “Should Syrians stay in Türkiye or return?” This was recurrent throughout our social media findings and discussions. While some users say, “Of course, we will go back if peace comes—our home is there” as others whose children have settled in Türkiye say, “It is now difficult to return; we have built a new life here.” Additionally, some participants said in interviews, “At least I have a job, and my child is doing well in school. I do not want to leave”, which corresponds to social media posts stating, “We are not just guests here.” Therefore, the concept of diaspora is actualized as evidenced by social media posts and personal interviews, which portray a diaspora identity, or construction, of their life that goes beyond just a theoretical approach.

These findings illustrate the Syrian experience in Türkiye takes the form of a continuum of conflicted and peaceful narratives, where digital misinformation perpetuates polarization, and the digital structures of solidarity strengthen diasporic identity. Success stories, examples of discrimination, desires to return home, and plans to remain—common themes that were raised during the interviews—are well-aligned with social media narratives. The literature has framed this phenomenon concerning broader social and historical processes and provided recommendations for policy implication, as well as public awareness campaigns. Research demonstrates that digital platforms can quickly spread misleading and divisive information, as well as strengthen the fragmentation and communications of conflict within a diaspora (Güler 2022 and Baytok 2024).

This view makes it clear the presence of the Syrian community in Türkiye is no longer simply about forced migration, but rather is developing into a more complex diasporic identity. For some, this shift represents an optimistic stage of integration and resettlement, while for others it illustrates a state of ambiguity characterized by discrimination and a lingering attachment to their homeland. In this regard, social media is a powerful archive and agent for changing identity and conflict–pace discourses. One interviewee eloquently captured this multidimensional transformation by saying, “Sometimes I feel part of a diaspora because Syria is always in the back of my mind, but I have started a new life in Türkiye.”

At the same time, these findings carry various implications for the host society and international actors. While social media and the literature feature unsettled debates regarding “Syrian integration” and “the return to their home country,” individual plans and concerns expressed in interviews reveal the multidimensional nature of this issue. Current studies combined with salient points raised during interviews provide a guiding framework for stakeholders—government institutions, civil society organizations, and international agencies—to shape policies and practices as it relates to the Syrian diaspora community. Positive and negative experiences highlight the call for more encompassing and sustainable policies.

Due to the upheaval in Syria, the experiences of Syrians in Türkiye is a place where conflict and peace, diaspora identity, and disinformation meet. Extracted from social media platforms and interviews, statements reveal that diaspora means retaining connections with the country of origin, as well as enduring the process of constructing a new cultural and social identity. Despite many others being hindered by such factors as discrimination, economic difficulties, and distorted information, among other things, some have managed to create a culture that promotes unity through community building on digital platforms to ensure a better tomorrow. 

There has been an evident shift in social media posts and interviews from the perspective of migration/temporary protection to that of the diaspora. This indicates their existence is no longer transitory or chaotic. Instead, it is perceived as permanent, organized, and interactive, which makes them different from migrants. The data on discourses relating to peace, conflict, and the possibility of return, also indicate that diaspora identity can be crucial in Türkiye, as well as shape Syria’s future and international relations. A respondent who participates in digital peace campaigns stated during the interview that “A diaspora can be a crucial actor in rebuilding Syria.” At the same time, similar thoughts were shared through social media posts, which stated “If our diaspora is strong, our voice is also strong.” Similarly, the review of previous research established that diasporas have the potential to serve as bridging actors for post-conflict peace-building purposes.

These findings reinforce that Syrians are no longer merely temporary guests but have become diaspora members who continuously redefine their identities amid evolving circumstances. In this context, future research could investigate how digital platforms shape diaspora consciousness, how they can bolster peace-oriented discourse, and ways to facilitate more profound integration with the host society. Given the importance of media literacy, combating misinformation, and fostering intercultural dialogue, the findings presented in this study are expected to guide both the academic literature and decision-makers.

Discussion

Theoretically, the Syrian diaspora appears to extend beyond the traditional framework of a community aspiring to return. Instead, the research reveals intricate patterns of identity and affiliation (Cohen 1997). Various elements substantiate this view. To begin, interviews frequently yield statements such as “I would like to return, but my children have adapted here.” While social media posts regularly assert, “We are not merely guests.” Both observations suggest that diaspora is no longer tethered to the anticipation of returning to one’s homeland. Instead, they highlight a transnational identity or multiple affiliations, which upholds Vertovec’s (1999) conception of diaspora and indicates that many Syrians simultaneously envision a long-term future in Türkiye while preserving emotional and cultural ties with Syria (Faist 2000).

Significantly, this dual orientation underscores that individuals continue to hope for repatriation, but also acknowledge the practical benefits of settling in Türkiye. This is especially evident when children have established social networks or gained access to education and employment. Such an understanding moves beyond the traditional narrative of a group simply awaiting the right moment to depart. This is evident in expressions heard in interviews, which includes “We have already adapted to Türkiye; our children speak Turkish.” Such examples point to a gradually solidifying formation of diaspora, rather than a state of indefinite or short-term refuge (Şahin, 2021). Consequently, the community exhibits a multilayered identity that balances both integration into the host society and sustained connections to the homeland, which exemplify the multiple affiliations and challenges identified by Safran (1991) and Cohen (1997).

Examining how these findings align with Galtung’s (1969) typology of peace and violence is equally critical from a conflict communication perspective. Galtung’s dichotomy of negative peace (absence of direct violence) versus positive peace (elimination of structural inequities and cultivation of justice and prosperity) resonates with the discourses emerging from within the Syrian diaspora. While some participants stress the need to “stop the war and ensure security,” which is an orientation that emphasizes negative peace, others advocate for more profound societal transformation. Statements such as “We need an end to war, but [desire] a decent life as well,” or hashtags like “#PeaceInSyria” signal a leaning towards positive peace. Additionally, humanitarian aid efforts, cultural events, and educational programs within the diaspora reaffirm this progressive outlook (Güler 2022). Thus, a notable diaspora embraces positive peace initiatives despite othering and legitimization tactics noted in conflict communication theories. As Gültutan (2023) argues, diaspora communities often volunteer to aid peacebuilding efforts and may function as mediators committed to ending conflict in their homeland.

New Findings in the Context of Digital Media

Comparing the present findings with the concepts of the cyber-public sphere, as well as the network society, reveals similar dynamics described by Manuel Castells (2010). These dynamics also apply to the Syrian diaspora. Social media content in Arabic, Turkish, and English demonstrate horizontal networks through the interaction of diverse segments of the diaspora. This phenomenon is evident in posts proclaiming, “We have transcended borders; we are now united in the digital sphere.” This sentiment is matched by an interviewee who remarked “I can maintain contact with my homeland with just one click.” The network society paradigm suggests that diaspora members can generate their discourse and build collective action or solidarity networks independent of traditional hierarchical structures. In interviews, participants expressed that “meeting people with similar stories on social media gives me courage,” which illustrates the empowering influence of this horizontal mode of connection.

Another notable observation within the findings is that different platforms, such as YouTube and X (formerly Twitter), accommodate varying narrative formats. Interviews reveal that Facebook is perceived as more convenient for communicating with family and close friends, while X (formerly Twitter) is employed to keep pace with current political developments. Meanwhile, YouTube provides a space conducive to storytelling. One participant remarked, “I post videos on YouTube that describe my experiences; people find them interesting and ask questions” which reinforces the concept of participatory media (Shirky 2008). In this respect, each distinct social media ecosystem offers diaspora members a range of narrative forms for in-depth reflection and sharing content that relates to conflict, peace, or diaspora identity.

The network society perspective likewise supports the notion that online networks can function as a cyber-public sphere (Habermas 1989) within the diaspora. Examples include online discussion groups devoted to “What can we do for peace in Syria?” Further, during an interview one participant stated, “We organized via Facebook and launched an aid campaign,” which indicates that public opinion and the diaspora community can collaborate. Notably, diaspora members use digital means to engage in issues concerning the homeland and Turkish social life. Some participants remarked, “I offer career guidance to Syrian youth in Türkiye” or “I focus on advocating refugee rights,” which demonstrates their offline endeavors through social media. Consequently, digital platforms have evolved into venues facilitating political, cultural, and social mobilization for diaspora communities.

Policy and Societal Impact

A diaspora's narratives of conflict and peace can directly impact a host country’s integration policies (Kaya and Kentel 2005). The voices of Syrians on social media generally align with the following statement, “We want to stay here, but we need support.” This was further evidenced during interviews. For example, one respondent states, “we need better regulations for education, healthcare, and work permits.” These sentiments reveal the host country needs to rethink its migration policies. According to Baytok (2024), it is possible for local authorities to analyze internet posts produced and circulated by Syrians to better understand what challenges this community undergoes to enable targeted policy making. Whether on social media or during interviews the significance of peace and calls to stop the war in Syria were evident, which is demonstrated via the #PeaceInSyria hashtag. Diaspora members also advocate for increased inclusion “in your policies concerning Syria.” In this context, the interview-derived sentiment “We are grateful that the Turkish state opened its doors to us, but we want more sustainable integration policies” frequently echoes social media posts criticizing public policy. Some users declare that “Temporary protection is not enough; we want to build our future here,” which demonstrates the diaspora community’s desire to be recognized as legitimate stakeholders by political actors. According to Güler (2022), the involvement of diaspora communities in the political processes may prompt the host state to develop more effective and inclusive policies in its long-term migration planning.

At the international level, the extent that online voices of the diaspora either facilitates or impedes diplomatic processes is frequently a topic of discussion in the literature (Adamson 2012). English-language posts appealing to global actors, such as “We need international support to rebuild Syria” or “Do not forget about Syria,” are particularly noteworthy. Interviews reveal that highly educated participants, or those in contact with international NGOs, assume this role more deliberately. Some note the “diaspora has the potential to engage in lobbying, but we are not yet organized,” which reference factors that restrict their capacity to participate in diplomatic processes. Conversely, internal political or ethnic divisions within diaspora groups can hinder a unified stance. In conflict communication theory, this phenomenon—where diaspora communities fail to present a cohesive front due to internal fragmentation or competing claims to legitimacy—is well documented (Galtung 1969).

The interactive nature of digital platforms enables international media and NGOs to readily access information originating from the diaspora (Castells 2010). One interview participant remarked, “I communicated with a UN official via X and answered their questions,” which provides an example of online diplomacy. Baytok (2024) posits that such digital diplomatic contact increases the diaspora community’s international visibility and carries the risk of misinformation and propaganda. Groups claiming to serve as the “legitimate representative” of the diaspora can potentially manipulate different political interests through social media posts. Consequently, the degree that the diaspora community affects international diplomacy, either positively or negatively, largely depends on their organizational capacity, unifying rhetoric, and the reliability of the information they provide (Güler 2022).

These policy and societal dimensions help elucidate why the Syrian diaspora identity differs from more conventional notions of migration or temporary protection. Both social media posts and interviews indicate that most diaspora members envision a long-term future in Türkiye, remain globally connected despite the ongoing war in their homeland, and actively articulate positions on peace, reconstruction, and cultural identity. While this development compels the host state to reconsider its integration policies, it also ensures that the diaspora’s voice cannot be overlooked internationally (Adamson 2012; Kaya and Kentel 2005).

From the policy-making perspective, the study highlights that analyzing social media and diaspora communities can be a significant tool to facilitate better integration strategies. For instance, local authorities or relevant ministries can formulate rapid, targeted solutions for challenges in children’s education by drawing on insights from interviews and social media postings (Baytok 2024). In turn, international NGOs can develop programs more closely aligned with the needs expressed by the diaspora by obtaining direct input from the members as it relates to peace initiatives or plans to return to Syria. Consequently, the conflict communication strategies of steering toward peace or mitigating the risks of polarization, as underscored by Galtung (1969), can be implemented in cooperation with diaspora members (Güler 2022).

Meanwhile, interviews with participants describing their experiences of exclusion and discrimination illustrate the steps required to transform the host society's perceptions of the other. Statements such as “sometimes I encounter hate speech on social media, and it upsets me” foreground one of the most pressing issues that affect the everyday lives of diaspora members. Because they are experiencing a crisis of belonging. Consequently, awareness campaigns, cultural exchange events, and media literacy training may serve to effectively align with the peace perspective in conflict communication theory and the inclusive identity proposals in diaspora theory (Sütlüoğlu & Vesek 2023).

The conflict and peace narratives of Syrian diaspora members offer a wealth of data with the potential to directly shape the integration policies of the Turkish state and the international community. The diversity of posts on social media, the depth of individual stories relayed in interviews, and the theoretical framework provided by the literature serve to collectively illustrate that this community is no longer merely a short-term guest or a refugee waiting to return. Instead, it reveals an evolving and lasting diaspora structure whose influence reverberates at multiple levels (Cohen 1997). As foreseen by conflict communication and diaspora theories, this transformation presents new possibilities and risks in peacebuilding and political participation. Therefore, this study examines one instance of such multiplexity via the Syrian diaspora experience, which examined digital media content and interview data.

Conclusion

Refugees from the Syrian Civil War remain one of the most noticeable groups in Türkiye. Here, we investigated how Turkish Syrians have formed a diaspora community in both conflict and digital media contexts. The analysis illustrates the multifaceted connections between Syrians and their country’s conflict, as well as their desire to settle permanently in Türkiye through the synthesized examination of tweets, Facebook posts, interviews, videos, blog entries, and academic literature. The digital sphere, which simultaneously accommodates peace-oriented and polarizing discourses, possesses the potential to nurture diaspora identity, but also carries the risk of reproducing conflict narratives.

The phenomenon of the Syrian diaspora in Türkiye provides a rich example of the dual—both peace-promoting and polarizing—impact of digital media on conflict narratives. The findings indicate that Syrians do not merely produce narratives concerning the conflict in their homeland, but also share the motivation to form a stable identity and participate in social life in Türkiye. Their emotional, cultural, and political ties to Syria remain active, which are facilitated by the rapid interaction afforded by digital platforms. While these interactions enable the dissemination of peace calls and humanitarian initiatives, they also allow for disinformation and polarizing rhetoric to easily circulate within the diaspora. Consequently, this study contributes a theoretical perspective to the body of research on diaspora and conflict by addressing a gap in the existing literature. Through field data (interviews) and social media analysis, the daily practices, identity-building strategies, and positions along the peace–conflict spectrum among Syrians have been brought to light with concrete examples.

The example of the Syrian diaspora constitutes a significant case study in the literature, which demonstrated that ties to the homeland, engagement with the host society, and the construction of concurrent online peace/conflict discourses can co-occur. Türkiye’s shared border with Syria—and the security zone along it—cannot be dismissed as an influential factor in this development. However, the limitations of this research must also be acknowledged. The sample of 17 participants (interviews) and the focus on specific platforms (X, Facebook, YouTube, Telegram) make it difficult to claim the findings fully represent all members of the Syrian diaspora. Furthermore, time constraints and data limitations prevented more robust comparative field observations. Despite these limitations, this study aims to provide a foundation for future research that investigates Syrian diaspora identity in digital contexts, particularly within the framework of conflict.

The findings indicate that Syrians in Türkiye now tend to construct a long-term diaspora identity, rather than remaining short-term guests. This situation places considerable responsibilities on state institutions, international organizations, and civil society groups. State institutions should primarily focus on strengthening regulations that enhance media literacy and counter disinformation. Given the rapid spread of conflict narratives in the digital sphere, projects to prevent misinformation and reduce polarization must be implemented. The demands voiced in interviews—such as for “access to basic services” and “long-term integration policies”—speak directly to the need to update migration management plans to ensure these policies make room for peace-oriented initiatives within the diaspora.

Civil society organizations and think tanks could encourage online peace initiatives within refugee–diaspora projects and contribute to reconstruction efforts, thus preventing potential social and individual crises of belonging. Projects that allow members of the Syrian diaspora—who closely monitor the situation in their homeland—to contribute to integration in Türkiye through cultural and social events can be conducted more effectively through digital platforms. Educational and vocational support programs targeting younger generations can be announced and coordinated online, which bolsters mutual understanding, solidarity, and a culture of peace between societies. Indeed, interviews suggest that older Syrians who believe the war in Syria has effectively ended are very eager to return to their home country. On the other hand, younger Syrians—those who have spent a significant portion of their lives in Türkiye—demonstrate a strong desire to remain in Türkiye. This situation suggests that—much like other examples of diaspora—the diaspora's permanence in Türkiye and hybrid identities encompassing ties to Syria could become more clearly defined.

Comparative studies (e.g., on Iraqi, Afghan, Iranian, or Egyptian diaspora communities) could more aptly identify both shared tendencies and distinguishing features of the Syrian diaspora. Likewise, theoretical models remain open to testing, and new datasets can be developed using field-based methods. Methodological frameworks integrating diverse disciplines—such as interviews, ethnographic observation, and data analytics—would be beneficial.

Longitudinal research emerges as a promising avenue for future studies. Examining how the discourse of the Syrian diaspora evolves—how it responds to a potential absence of conflict or the emergence of new conflict in their homeland, as well as to social, legal, and economic developments in Türkiye—could provide a dynamic perspective. Comparative investigations with other diaspora communities (e.g., Iraq, Afghanistan, etc.) could elucidate the distinctive aspects of the Syrian community’s engagement with the host society or reveal shared migrant/diaspora experiences.

Moreover, a closer examination of the role of diaspora communities in post-conflict peacebuilding would be of substantial value. Questions remain regarding the strategies adopted by Syrians in Türkiye as a digital diaspora, which could operate during a potential period of stable peace and reconstruction. Moreover, how these strategies might influence diplomatic initiatives, international aid efforts, and Türkiye’s political and social structure. Accordingly, the Syrian diaspora experience could open new horizons in the context of Türkiye and the global literature on conflict and diaspora.